Getting Nominated in America–Again

The following is a re-post of something posted earlier that temporarily fell victim to the heated behind-the-scenes corporate politics prevailing here at In at the End of the World. I repost it now, with a few updates:

This relates to issues raised in What’s a Primary For, Really, and Coronations, below. I hope somebody will jump on here and give us a real history of how the party nominating processes developed. My generalized impression is of a series of ongoing reforms over many decades, intended to bring elements of democracy to a process for nominating presidential candidates that is not inherently democratic at all, given the nature of how the parties themselves developed. Like at first some guys in a room pretty much decided it, with little public input and little press coverage of all the scuzzy dealmaking involved. But if you’re a party, you want to avoid nominating a candidate who can’t win. So some public input is a benefit, and that impulse dovetailed somehow with 19thC. reform movements for making the political process more democratic. So: primary elections in some states, for one thing.

But I can well remember at thirteen, in the hot summer of 1968, asking my parents, with outrage, how my guy Eugene McCarthy could have won primaries and yet Hubert Humphrey, who didn’t compete in primaries, could get the nomination. I’m sure I answered myself: It’s rigged!

Well, yes, rigged indeed, but the rules of the rigging weren’t secret; I just didn’t know them. In those days, conventions were still a matter of peeling off the other guys’ delegates–they were far more loosely “pledged”–with promises and threats and highballs while trying to protect your own. A lot can happen between the NH primary and August; anyway, whole delegations were under direct control of governors and other bosses, and the trick seems to have been to deny a frontrunner outright victory on the first ballot, then try to widen the cracks and find a space for your candidate to rise in succeeding rounds. In the 1940 GOP convention, for example, Wendell Wilkie, after coming in second and third, was nominated on the sixth ballot.

Reforms have ensued. [UPDATE: In a comment now lost, CVFD reminded me that the most modern reforms came from McGovern, after 1968; he was the most knowledgeable about the rules. Made me reflect on how McGovern’s disastrous campaign has been invoked this year, in just this context: do you want things so democratic that a nominee is selected (cough, Sanders, cough) who might only carry one state? The counter to that would be that this year maybe *only* the more democratically supported candidate has a shot in November.] Have we come a long way since the days of brokered conventions? Should we go farther? Trump seems to want a general election–of him–in the primary process. Some Sanders supporters object strenuously to certain party voting rules in certain states as not only insufficiently democratic but outright suppression; then again, many of the same supporters celebrated Sanders’s victories in highly undemocratic caucuses; and others are pretending, at least, that their strategy is to sway the superdelegates at the convention to overcome a popular majority. So what the hell is this process, anyway, and what are the principles involved, if any, and what if anything does the process have to do with our cockamamie ideas about American democracy?  And are we going to see something old-school this summer, at least at the GOP convention?

In the meantime, I found this funny and possibly informative of realpolitik: https://www.yahoo.com/news/party-primaries-are-not-public-decisions-rules-154558765.html

4 thoughts on “Getting Nominated in America–Again

  1. This helped me a lot. I had a similar annoyance around Hart in 1984 – how can he be out!?!?! He was just picking up steam! Then I dug into Hunt and saw that yeah, it’s rigged. (I haven’t found a less inflammatory word. When I say rigged I mean it to be neutral: it’s designed to create certain outcomes and prevent others.). This is a foreshortened narrative. Until recently I hadn’t even realized that Hart laid the foundation for the Hunt Commission. If I had to write a description of the process now, it would be less laced with anger: the nominating process is designed to find the person and create the platform most likely to win. To the degree that it creates frustration, I think it’s coming down to three reasons: 1) being designed to win isn’t the same as being designed to achieve certain goals (a rap on the Clintons); 2) “most likely to win” is always hard to determine, but especially so this year; and 3) like any political system, it can be gamed, so arguably weak candidates like HRC can wrap it up early. Thanks Mr Jones, I feel clearer-headed.

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  2. I remember working for Hart in Pennsylvania in ’84. It was an eye opener when I learned that while the primary ballot did indeed have Hart and Mondale on it (And Ernest Hollings!) it also had a list of delegates for each candidate. The votes for Hart were non-binding. You had to get voters to vote for the individual delegates. And in the case of Hart, the insurgent, these were all just random people who signed up to be delegates. I had met several of them and none of them were local office holders or anyone who could mobilize his or her own base of supporters. This was all well before the internet, of course, so it was almost impossible to explain this system to voters. All the campaign literature urged people to “vote the card” for Senator Hart. Like anyone understood what that meant.

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  3. The more I think about past and present iterations of this system — the PA situation described just above is truly bizarre, and I don’t think it’s unique — the less clearheaded I feel, but I’m happy if my ramblings are helpful. The dynamics between top party brass, elected officials in state and federal government, state and local party bosses, and clubs and other organizations on the ground bewilders me the more I poke at it. And my personal experience of presidential primaries is weak: I literally can’t remember voting even in the ’08 Dem primary, though I know I did. I have a weird nostalgia for the horsetrading and bullshit and deals with the devil that went on at conventions in the bad old days — Rocky and Reagan joining forces in ’68 in a failed bid to to keep Nixon from a first-round victory! — and while I guess democratic input is always a net good, given the alternatives, I think the whole subject raises questions about democracy itself, at least in the USA, that I can’t even see the shape of right now.

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