A frustrating part of political analysis in the media and amongst people following the election is the facile way in which we characterize voters based on their votes. We see this with Trump all the time. I’ll just mention the Rob Reiner interview which got a lot of shares with “Word”, “Truth”, “Nailedit” affirming that yes Trump voters are racist xenophobes, SMH, what’s the matter with these people.
The process is pretty simple: look at what the candidate says; gather what you think are the salient features of the talk track; turn those facts into the narrative of the candidate; and then assume that every vote for the person is an endorsement of that narrative. Trump makes bigoted, misogynist, xenophobic, anti-intellectual statements, therefore people who vote for him are … (It might be useful for Democrats who are baffled at people’s votes to put together a counter-narrative of HRC, picking 5 top facts that someone else might pick for their narrative and see if that humanizes the vote.)
So, while walking the dog, I tried to lay out the dimensions that go into a vote. I wonder if it helps us see the millions of people who vote for Trump as something other than rabid bigots; people who vote for Sanders as more than bros or sexists who can’t bear to vote for HRC; and Woman Card carrying HRC supporters as being more concerned about the working class or working poor than NAFTA, the welfare reform bill, or war votes might indicate.
- Values – Does this person convey values that resonate with what I want? For me, personally, I resonate with people who view government as having a positive role to play in people’s lives, promote economic opportunity, and treat basic economic outcomes as a right. If a person scans as sharing those values, they are in my consideration set. For conservatives, it might be smaller government, skepticism of publicly financed anything, a sense that liberals are elitists who only want to be smarter than me. For many people, not meeting this test means that the candidate won’t get a vote – period, even if it means not voting (gasp!).
- Character – this is pretty obvious, but think about integrity. Sanders may not be the crazy uncle, he may be the guy who’s too old and set in his ways to find it worthwhile to screw anybody. Trump could scan as a guy who knows what he is, isn’t pretending to be some things he’s not. Most important, he hasn’t done enough public service to have a record of screwing people. Again, this might be enough to exclude a candidate from consideration – period, even if it means not voting (gasp!).
- Other people’s endorsements – also pretty straightforward. Krugman is the person on whom many of my liberal friends rely on to determine that Sanders is an old-fashioned blunt instrument crank and HRC is the ingenious policy wonk. Unions used to play a role in helping to sort out what’s in your best interest, and various scorecards from groups such as the NRA, NARAL, NRDC, ADA, Family Research Council, etc. help people decide votes. If you have an issue that you consider to be the most important, than that rating/endorsement may be all you need to know.
- Policies – I’ve mentioned elsewhere that I don’t know what’s in the Iran deal, but I support it. I trust the values and approach of the President, think the US needs an ally other than Saudi Arabia, and I’m a sucker for the transformative political, economic, and cultural power of an emerging middle class in a developing/evolving country. But, honestly, I have no fucking idea. I also know that we should have done the stimulus package in 2008 at the levels Krugman says we should have done them because … that math he did. A lot of policy conversation among the cognoscenti is parlor talk and based a lot more on proxy thinking and faith in 1 through 3 above. For many people who come home from work too exhausted to play with their kids, looking at position papers, checking out a Vox analysis, or comparing healthcare plans isn’t going to happen. This is part of the reason they donate to political parties and participate in intermediating organizations. The previous three dimensions will have to do – sorry if that makes me stupid, and causes me to vote in ways that appear to you to be not in my self interest, but my feet are killing me and I want to see my kid’s soccer game.
- Competition – “Who is the best of the lot? I mean, I’ll never vote for the other Party, so who bugs me the least?”
- Ability to beat the opponent – no explanation needed.
This list is largely in order with the exception of #6, which might be #1 in certain circles and certain contexts. But different voters will have different matrices and calculuseseseses (hmmm) at different times in their lives. Some of the pieces above – values, character, beating the opponent – may be go/no-goes. Policy, for people who are concerned about one issue above all others, might be the deciding factor for people who rely on the party to sort out the rest.
I think there’s more here, but I’m at 719 words when I typed 719, so I’ll stop at 728.
A pretty thorough taxonomy. Number 2, “character”, is certainly the best indicator of who will make a good president. And the one that Trump so obviously fails on, and the reason so many Republicans will sit this out or hold their nose and quietly and secretly vote for Hillary.
The only thing I would add. And I think it’s an extension of the character element. People need to like them. Voters respond viscerally to any candidate, but especially at the presidential level, and it’s one of the reasons people respond so emotionally to presidential politics. It’s the most personal and emotional decision they get to make in a democracy.
Pollsters try to get at this by asking inane questions like “who would you like to have a beer with”. Like, you’d want to have a beer with any of these people if they weren’t historical figures.
Kennedy and Clinton would just talk about the women in the bar they were going to score with. Reagan would never stop telling old stories. As much as I like Bob Dole, I can’t imagine him making small talk about anything other than legislation. Dukakis would get drunk after half a pint and start doing head bobs. Obama would just ignore you and watch Sports Center.
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Reagan: “You know I never called Jack Warner ‘Jack,’ it was always Mr. Warner ..”
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Forced me to think about why *I* vote for somebody, which–for president, anyway–has always been far simpler than this breakdown. In the general, I have to vote the platform, which for me is always the Dem platform. Lesser-evilism makes life easy. I actually read the GOP platforms the last two elections, to keep myself honest on this, and it was even more frightening in ’12 than in ’08. So there’s no contest between like, a “smart, OK guy,” like McCain used to seem to some liberals, and the most ditzbrain Dem, for me it’ll be the latter, except in some wild edge case I’ve never seen. Never understood independents saying they “vote the man [sic], not the party” and are waiting to make a decision till they’ve closely observed everything. So the character thing just doesn’t play for me. Maybe because I don’t harbor a lot of regard for the office, the process, the republic, and human nature generally, my expectations on that front start low anyway. This is starting to bum me out, so I’ll stop thinking about it.
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Of course I ducked the question of why I’d vote for somebody in a primary. I guess I’d add the party to the list of things I have low regard for, and also add the idea of expressing democratic action through party primaries, and ask “why can’t you guys just tell me who the nominee is? Why do I have to vote in this stupid primary?” And then vote for “the stronger candidate,” on the grim assumption that strength, in this political context, will always be based on establishment power (until the day it isn’t, and that day will never be perceived in advance by the likes of me); and/or for the person I think will make the stronger president, defining that job as executive of an overextended empire in decline with confused ideas about democracy. I guess what I don’t do is tactics: hoping to scare an inevitable frontrunner leftward by voting for the insurgent, say.
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